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95 pages 3 hours read

Grit: The Power of Passion and Perseverance

Nonfiction | Book | Adult | Published in 2016

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Part 2Chapter Summaries & Analyses

Part 2: “Growing Grit from the Inside Out”

Part 2, Chapter 6 Summary: “Interest”

Consistently, the most successful people report that they love what they do and can’t wait to get up every morning to work on it. Research bears this out: “people are enormously more satisfied with their jobs when they do something that fits their personal interests” (97). Performance also improves when work is aligned with a person’s interests. A recent Gallup poll, however, shows that two-thirds of American workers are “not engaged” with their work, and that figure is worse nearly everywhere else in the world.

This epidemic of disengagement would be cured if people pursued their passions as careers. But how do we discover our passion? The myth is that a person learns of it in a blazing moment of insight. For most grittily successful people, though, the process takes much longer. Award-winning chef Marc Vetri pursued music and stumbled onto cooking as a career. Rowdy Gaines tried many sports before settling on swimming. Julia Child was in her 40s before she discovered a love for delicious food, and it took years more before she truly loved to cook. Most young people, though, have “unrealistic expectations” and hold out for a ready-made perfect job—or the perfect mate, for that matter—not realizing that great careers, like great relationships, are grown and nurtured over time.

People only begin to lean toward a particular interest in middle school. They can’t force themselves to like an activity; instead, they must interact with the world, testing and trying different things. Great interests often begin in small ways, and people don’t notice how much those interests mean to them until much later. Astronaut Mike Hopkins grew up watching space shuttle launches, and over the years he became more and more curious about them. Warren MacKenzie took a pottery class because painting classes were filled up; then he discovered a book on pottery and interned with the author for a year.

Often, the enthusiasms of others encourage us to pursue an activity more deeply. Marc Vetri was an awkward, stuttering C student but loved helping his grandmother cook Italian dishes. Later, washing dishes in a restaurant, Marc enjoyed the camaraderie of the staff. Years of friendships in the world of food preparation helped Marc’s work become renowned.

It’s best to play with an activity that intrigues you and develop a love for it before taking on the hard work of perfecting its skills. Researcher Benjamin Bloom calls this “the early years” (107). During this time, it helps greatly if teachers and mentors are warmly supportive and help the learner approach the topic as a game; they must not try to force the student to be interested or dedicated before the student is ready.

Will Shortz’s mother was a writer and word lover, and this transferred to Will, who took an early interest in puzzles. With help from his mom, who bought puzzle books for him, Will became familiar with all the major puzzle creators and their work. She also showed him how to create crosswords and helped him sell his creations; by his teens, Will was a regular contributor to puzzle collections, and he holds the world’s only college degree in enigmatology, the study of puzzles. “I’m always stretching my brain in a new way,” he says (111).

Jeff Bezos’s mother encouraged his early interests in invention, tolerating some of his weirder contraptions—like the string that opened all the kitchen drawers at once—and accompanying him, sometimes several times a day, to the local RadioShack store for parts. At college, Jeff got deep into electrical engineering and computing, and afterward he applied his smarts to investment funds. He then opened the Amazon online store, and the rest is history. Bezos owns the URL “relentless.com”.

Interesting things can pall over time, and it’s natural to look around for something new to explore. Gritty people, though, deepen their interest in their chosen work by exploring further into it. Jane Golden, for decades the director of Philadelphia’s Mural Arts Program, has overseen the installation of 3,600 murals throughout the city. A former painter, she has an eye for the unusual colors and shapes of the people and places she visits, and finds them endlessly interesting.

Psychologist Paul Silvia says that babies have an inherent interest in novelty because, unlike most animals that arrive preprogrammed with certain skills, they must learn nearly every ability from scratch. Novelty continues throughout life, but for experts, says Silvia, “novelty is nuance” (114). Things that look the same to an outsider can appear quite different to a professional.

To discover a passion, first list the things you enjoy doing and those you hate. Then go out into the world and try things related to the enjoyable interests. It’s OK to guess and then make corrections. Find friends and mentors who share your interest. As an interest matures, keep it interesting by continually asking questions about it and learning its nuances.

Part 2, Chapter 7 Summary: “Practice”

A key to mastery is continuous improvement. The Japanese call it “kaizen,” and it helps make Japanese businesses competitive in world markets. As for paragons of grit, “they all exude kaizen. There are no exceptions” (118). All of them constantly want to improve their skills.

Cognitive psychologist Anders Ericsson studied world-class experts and found that it takes about 10,000 hours, over a 10-year period, to acquire elite-level skills. Some people achieve this level sooner, some later, but these numbers are typical. The sheer number of hours, however, isn’t enough: What’s required is “deliberate practice,” the setting of specific goals to be achieved.

Experts don’t practice mindlessly by rote; instead, they look for weaknesses in their performance and try to improve them. This is called a “stretch goal”: “They intentionally seek out challenges they can’t yet meet” (121). Experts often practice alone, working on specific skills, but they also seek feedback, taking note especially of mistakes so they can refine those behaviors. Then they practice again until their performance is flawless. When they have completed this stretch goal, they choose a new one and repeat the process.

This can be applied to any skill, not just chess or music or athletics. Ben Franklin improved his writing by studying essays he admired and then rewriting them and comparing his result to the original, making changes and improving flawed passages where needed. To improve the arguments in his own essays, Franklin converted them into notes, then shuffled them and try to reconstruct their proper order. He also transcribed poetry into prose and vice versa. The result of this hard work was prose that appeared effortless.

Duckworth and Ericsson studied spelling bee winners to learn whether they do deliberate practice. Three techniques are commonly recommended by spellers, teachers, and parents: (1) reading for pleasure and playing word games; (2) taking practice quizzes; and (3) memorizing words. The third activity qualifies as deliberate practice in Ericsson’s system. Winners are grittier, practice longer, and do more deliberate practice. Quizzes help mainly in directing contestants toward words they need to memorize. Reading for pleasure has no impact on who wins. Spellers report that deliberate practice takes more effort and is less fun than other preparation activities.

Ericsson has found that deliberate practice is very intense and that elite performers in any field can only do about an hour of it at a time, with a maximum of five hours per day. Much of the intensity is mental; musicians and athletes often nap after an especially intense practice session. Olympic swimmers report that they don’t particularly like pool practice, though they love the results. After retirement, most top performers abandon high-intensity practice, which suggests it’s not an intrinsically pleasurable activity.

Psychologist Mihaly Csikszentmihalyi, on the other hand, discovered that elite performers often report a state of “flow” where their work feels effortless and spontaneous. Ericsson believed that deliberate practice requires planning and intense effort and therefore is incompatible with flow. Noting that deliberate practice is an activity and flow is a feeling, Duckworth hypothesized that there might be some overlap. She followed up with respondents to her Grit Scale study, asking them to report any experiences of flow in their work, and found that “[g]ritty people do more deliberate practice and experience more flow” (131). Practice and flow don’t necessarily overlap, but each seems to contribute to high-level performance.

The author recalls her own experience of practicing to deliver a TED Talk. The first draft was wordy and boring, and she had bad speaking habits, like saying “um” a lot and biting her lower lip. After much rewriting and practicing, her speech went very well, and she felt herself “in flow.” The effortlessness of the product belied the intense effort that led up to it.

A review of the spelling bee data reveals that the winners not only put in more effort but also enjoy that process more. Successful people in other lines of endeavor also report enjoying the challenges of practice, and this can provide satisfaction that rivals flow.

Deliberate practice has four parts: (1) a clear stretch goal; (2) full effort; (3) feedback; and (4) refine and repeat. Many people simply put in hours and hours of rote practice, but it’s much better to do a few hours of concentrated deliberate practice daily.

Duckworth and a colleague developed a method to teach children how to do deliberate practice. Included in the system is an explanation that it takes hours of practice to get good at anything and that feelings of frustration are normal, signposts that point toward what to practice next. Students began spending more time on schoolwork, and their grades improved.

Getting into the habit of deliberate practice—same time and place every day—helps produce consistent improvements. Students shouldn’t regard mistakes as failures; they’re part of the process of learning and getting better.

Part 2, Chapter 8 Summary: “Purpose”

Psychologist Benjamin Bloom believes skill development passes through three phases: “early years,” “middle years,” and “later years.” Chapters 6 through 8 reflect these phases as “interest,” “practice,” and “purpose,” respectively. As practice moves into the later years, practitioners feel an increase in their sense of purpose: More and more, their reason for doing what they love is that it benefits other people.

Jane Golden has installed thousands of murals in Philadelphia despite the constant pain of lupus; she’s inspired by the desire to bring the benefits of murals to as many people as she can. Wine critic Antonio Galloni has an overriding mission “to help people understand their own palates” so they can truly appreciate fine wine (146). He says, “in this one small way, I think I’m going to make the world better. I wake up every morning with a sense of purpose” (146).

The pleasure to be obtained from interest in a field seems selfish, while purpose seems other-driven, but purpose also provides benefits: Helping others improves the community and improves interpersonal relations, both of which benefit the giver. Grittier experts are motivated more by purpose than pleasure, and those who are inspired by both do better than those who merely practice their expertise for pleasure or purpose alone.

What about gritty villains, such as dictators, terrorists, and serial killers? Grit can help them, too, but gritty people overwhelmingly want to provide value to others, and there are many more gritty heroes than villains.

Purpose can scale up. Work can simply be a job or it can be a career or even a calling. People who consider their work a calling believe their “work makes the world a better place” (150), and they have better job and life satisfaction. Most people don’t feel that way about their jobs, though most wish they did. Studies show, however, that it’s not the job itself but the attitude of the worker that determines whether an occupation has meaning.

Joe Leader needed a job out of college, and he did work with New York City Transit, at first laboring on the subway tracks. He found it interesting, and as his skills improved, he advanced into engineering. Leader realized that his work helped millions travel to where they needed to go, and he began to see his work as a calling; in the process, he became chief engineer of the subway system.

As a child, Michael Baine had a profound experience of oneness with the universe, and he discovered he could repeat that experience just by paying mindful attention to his thoughts and feelings. Baine became a prominent physician at the University of Pennsylvania, where he established a meditation clinic that has trained more than 15,000 doctors, nurses, and patients in mindfulness. Baine says his work is a calling.

Duckworth spent a college summer teaching science to disadvantaged students. She worked long hours and came away with the sense that the work was important. She and a friend decided to open their own summer enrichment program, spending countless hours with fundraising and administration—work so daunting that, if the project had been “merely interesting,” it never would have gotten off the ground. Their sense of mission helped them push through to a successful launch. The program, Breakthrough Greater Boston, now serves hundreds of students year-round and has launched the teaching careers of many of the volunteers.

Stanford researcher Bill Damon says adolescents develop a sense of purpose only if they observe a role model who overcomes obstacles and accomplishes things for others in a gratifying way. Students must then discover problems they believe they can help solve.

As a child, Kat Cole watched and emulated her mother, who worked three jobs yet found time to help others by baking for them or doing errands. At 18, Kat became a Hooters waitress; when the cook quit one day, she took his place so customers would get fed and she’d get tipped. Also, she recalls, “I was so curious to see if I could do it. And third, I wanted to be helpful” (164). Now and then, someone else would quit, and Kat would fill in at their job; soon, she knew every assignment in the restaurant and began training others. By age 26, Kat had become a Hooters vice president, helping expand the company into 28 countries. Cinnabon recruited her at age 32 to be its president, and within four years she had grown its sales past $1 billion.

Simply by reflecting on how their education can help them do good for others, high school students put in more study time, and their grades improve. At work, employees can think up ways to incrementally alter their current tasks so they better reflect their values; one study showed that doing so improves happiness and job effectiveness.

The author remembers how kind her mother was to others, inviting crowds of people to the family’s Thanksgiving dinner or giving away household items to those in need. Her good deeds were her purpose, and Duckworth took her own inspiration to help children thrive from her mom’s example.

Part 2, Chapter 9 Summary: “Hope”

Most people hope that the world will change and their life will get better. Gritty people resolve that their life will be better.

In college Duckworth enrolled in a neurobiology class. Poorly prepared by her high school biology instruction, she foundered on the first two exams. The class teaching assistant warned her to drop the class. Instead, she resolved to succeed in the class and major in the topic. She took on extra homework and practiced until she knew she was too well prepared to panic or choke during the big exam. She aced the final and got a B in the class.

To study learned helplessness, in 1964 Marty Seligman and Steve Maier administered electric shocks to the feet of caged dogs. Some cages had a lever the dog could press to stop the shocks, and some cages had no lever. Dogs without levers soon gave up trying to avoid the shocks. The next day, the dogs were placed in cages with a low barrier they could jump over to avoid the shocks. Dogs who had had access to a stop-lever quickly learned to jump over the barrier; dogs who had had no lever simply gave up and never tried to escape the shocks.

The experiment showed that dogs are capable of reaching conclusions and acting on them. More importantly, it showed that hopeless situations lead dogs—and, by implication, humans—to give up, even when new chances for escape arise. Duckworth believes her constructive response to her neurobiology class test failures put her in the camp of those who don’t give up and instead are willing to do something to solve their dilemmas.

Seligman developed a theory of “learned optimism,” by which some people habitually resolve problems in their lives on the belief that problems generally stem from temporary, solvable situations. This includes mistakes they make. Pessimists, on the other hand, tend to believe that problems are monolithic and unsolvable; “[p]ermanent and pervasive explanations for adversity turn minor complications into major catastrophes” (174).

Optimists stay in school longer and get better grades than pessimists; later in life, their health is better, they live longer, and they experience greater marital satisfaction. Optimistic salespeople outsell pessimists by 20% to 40%. Gritty elites overwhelmingly are optimists; they consider problems opportunities to learn and get better.

Seligman’s postgraduate mentor, Aaron Beck, developed cognitive behavioral therapy, which holds that depression comes not from childhood trauma but from the way a person frames problems. If they see difficulties as permanent disasters, or berate themselves as losers, they will give up and sink into depression; if they see those same difficulties as resolvable problems, they will take steps to fix them. Cognitive therapy has proven more effective than antidepressant medications.

Duckworth collaborated on a study of grit among inner-city teachers. Optimistic teachers were happier and had more grit than less optimistic instructors, and their students achieved better academic gains.

Carol Dweck wondered how people become pessimistic, and her research shows that people tend to interpret the world either with a fixed mindset about their abilities—intelligence is unchangeable—or a growth mindset, by which intelligence can be improved. People with fixed mindsets tend to give up after a setback like a poor grade in school, while those with growth mindsets keep trying to improve. High school students with growth mindsets are grittier, get better grades, and have more success in college.

Students praised simply for their talent can have trouble dealing with setbacks, while those praised for their effort tend to keep going and overcome problems. Dweck has found that people often praise or console students based on their talent instead of their effort. For example, one teacher might say, “This is hard. Don’t feel bad if you can’t do it,” while a growth-oriented instructor might say, “This is hard. Don’t feel bad if you can’t do it yet” (182).

If parents become upset by mistakes, their children tend to adopt a fixed mindset. In corporations that pay attention to their stars and ignore other employees, trust declines and cheating increases, but in growth-mindset companies, employees believe trust, innovation, and risk-taking are higher there. In any situation, even when people believe in a growth mindset, they can backslide into a fixed mindset under stress. Keeping an eye out for relapses, and giving funny names to those tendencies—for example, “Oops. I guess I brought Controlling Claire to the meeting today. Let me try that again” (184)—can help.

Telling someone they’re smart can hinder them. Bill McNabb, CEO of the Vanguard investment company, was told as a child that he was smart, and he took pride in acing tests with little effort. It wasn’t until he joined the college rowing team and struggled with the skill set, then worked his way up to the varsity team, that he realized persistent work can pay off. He also learned not to quit in the face of setbacks (like getting demoted from varsity when the man he replaced returned to the team). Both of these attitudes are instrumental to a growth mindset and to grit.

Steve Maier repeated the dog-shocking experiment using rats and found that adolescent rodents subjected to unpreventable shocks grew up to be timid adults, while young rats exposed to shocks they could control grew up to be “more adventurous” and largely immune to any further experiments that subjected them to shocks they couldn’t control.

Maier concluded that rats—and people—must learn directly from stressful situations that they can handle problems. People may lecture students all day, but students must undergo the stresses themselves and solve them so that various brain areas can adjust to coordinate future efforts. Inner-city youth may be experiencing too many hopeless situations and not enough challenges they can meet successfully.

One of the author’s students, Kayvon Asemani, had a brilliant high school career—star athlete, musician, student body president, A-student. He did well as a freshman but struggled with quantitative courses. Duckworth suggested there’d be no shame if he dropped out of the Wharton business school, but Kayvon decided to stay the course, even if it meant a lower GPA, and he worked hard to master the math he needed. His is a great example of growth mindset in practice.

Dweck has shown that, with effort, IQ can improve, and studying math and English strengthens brain regions responsible for those skills. People who learn how to alter their “self-talk” can improve their performance; pessimists who enter cognitive behavioral therapy benefit similarly.

Mathematician Rhonda Hughes overcame doubts and biases to become a professor and, later, to found EDGE, or Enhancing Diversity in Graduate Education, which encourages women to get PhDs in math. She firmly believes math skills are not innate but developed. She implores, “Don’t give up!” (194).

Part 2 Analysis

Chapters 6 through 9 discuss in detail the four elements of grit: interest, practice, purpose, and hope. The author states that Chapters 6 through 8—“Interest,” “Practice,” and “Purpose”—reflect psychologist Benjamin Bloom’s “early years,” “middle years,” and “later years,” respectively, in the development of a skill. Thus, interest comes first, and practice leads to a sense of purpose.

A famous example of someone who enjoyed an activity before mastering it is Richard Feynman, who, as a Cornell college student, rebelled against his struggles with physics and decided thereafter only to play with ideas. At the cafeteria, someone tossed a plate in the air, and Feynman noticed that the Cornell medallion rotated faster than the plate wobble. Toying with this, Feynman worked out the equations for the relationship between spin and wobble, which led to ideas about electron orbits, which led to new theories about quantum electrodynamics, which won Feynman the Nobel Prize.

Duckworth mentions Will Shortz, who for decades has been the crossword puzzle editor at the New York Times. He’s the star of the documentary Wordplay and founder of multiple puzzle tournaments; he is also an avid Ping-Pong competitor who enters tournaments all over the United States. His entire life is about dedicated playfulness.

In the notes Duckworth mentions that, while enjoyment often leads to expertise, sometimes expertise leads to enjoyment. Becoming really good at an activity that’s widely needed and appreciated can generate strongly positive feelings that contribute to a feeling of love for the pursuit. Thus, it can be hard to tease out the social rewards of excellent performance from its more intrinsic pleasures.

At the center of the debate about grit is Anders Ericsson, whom the author cites extensively. Ericsson first got famous when his work was popularized in Malcolm Gladwell’s book Outliers, which looked at what makes someone world-class in sports, business, and other pursuits. Outliers made Ericsson’s 10,000 Hour Rule a popular topic, though experts debate whether the number is accurate and even whether sheer hours are all that important. The author makes clear that Ericsson is talking about “deliberate practice” and not simple rote repetition. In any case, Ericsson’s ideas fully support the importance of grit.

Whether Ericsson’s gritty prescription for success comports with Mihaly Csikszentmihalyi’s well-founded theory of “flow” in high-level expertise is another cause for debate, and Duckworth presents evidence for both sides. Hard practice and the feeling of flow aren’t necessarily incompatible, and the author’s research suggests that, at the very least, they reinforce each other. It’s also possible that they overlap at times.

Some readers may misinterpret the idea of deliberate practice as an activity that works only if the practitioner feels the pain of hard effort. They may also conclude that the feeling of flow, though rewarding, is relatively unproductive. Hard practice, however, is itself a skill that can be mastered, in which case a person might feel flow even while noticing the discomfort of extreme effort. Flow may itself dampen the sensation of pain. Though Duckworth asserts that “you don’t have to be doing deliberate practice and experiencing flow at the same time” (131), it’s also possible that episodes of flow can happen during intense workouts.

Studies have shown that occasional positive feedback strongly reinforces behaviors. Though many elite athletes report that they work out not for any intrinsic pleasure but so they can reap the benefits later in performance, the periodic successes achieved during practice can be their own rewards, in athletics and other fields. Grit explores this idea further in Chapter 11.

As interest leads to practice, and as competencies grow, people begin to see their passion as a calling. This added motivation makes it easier for people to confront obstacles or drudgery during their work. Even menial tasks can be seen as part of a larger calling, as when someone labors to repair a community center or takes a low-wage job that leads to a better job that leads to one that makes a big contribution. A strong sense of calling organizes a person’s efforts, aiming them toward a goal. Not having a higher purpose is somewhat akin to practicing mindlessly instead of deliberately: Results come faster when there’s an inspiring plan to follow.

Kat Cole is an example of inspired grit, rising to the top job at Cinnabon. After Grit was published, she moved up to group president at Focus Brands, the owner of Cinnabon. She also mentors young women and advocates for women in need worldwide.

In addition to Kat, the author cites a number of individuals who exemplify the points she’s making. Anecdotal evidence—stories of people whose experience supports the theory—is too small to be meaningful in science, but it fleshes out the type of gritty achievement the author wants to feature.

Grit discusses at length two main sources of inspiration for gritty behavior: interest and purpose. A third incentive, competition, also motivates people in their studies and professions. People desire the pride and prestige that comes with acclaim and winning. Athletes practice hard so they can win games, but other activities also involve the need to outperform others. Colleges, for example, can be highly selective, and many more students apply to a given school than win admission there. Many professions also are rigorously competitive. Businesses must work constantly to lure customers away from competitors, lest they sell too few products and services to survive. These powerful needs can motivate people to Herculean feats of grit as they try to prevail in the rivalries of life.

Chapter 9 discusses a “growth mindset,” an outlook that fosters continuous improvement. This attitude generates a form of hope that’s both practical and optimistic, instead of the more typical hope that passively yearns for an outside miracle. The chapter also considers cognitive behavioral therapy, which consistently has outperformed antidepressant medications in helping people overcome undue pessimism. Some studies suggest that cognitive work combined with antidepressants works even better than either alone.

Most people don’t suffer from depression, but some of their beliefs may inadvertently limit their children’s outlook on life. When kids are told they’re naturally intelligent, this can lead to a fixed mindset that might still permit the person to keep learning and growing for a time but may stymie them when they encounter a problem they don’t know how to solve, at which point they question their intelligence. It’s also unhelpful to be told “You’re not that smart,” which can severely limit a person’s willingness to try to improve.

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