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Egan shifts back to the diary of Don Hartwell in this six-page chapter. Hartwell makes a little money on the Kansas-Nebraska border playing piano songs like “Don't Know Why, There's No Sun Up in the Sky,” which echoes his own fatalistic attitude. Examples of his fatalism are found in his April 4 entry: “contrary to popular belief, very many of the things we live in fear of DO happen,” and his June 22 entry: “Bad luck seems to follow me '' (275, 277).
Most of Hartwell's diary entries center around his failure to raise corn. Hartwell writes, “All the alfalfa and corn I put in last year was utterly destroyed by hot winds except a little fodder on the bottom,” and “Some Russian aviators flew from Moscow to California over the N. Pole today, that would be easy compared to raising corn in Webster C., Nebraska” (277). Hartwell struggles not to lose both his farm and his wife.
This chapter revolves around the late 1930s and the concluding stories of Egan's featured characters in Dalhart, Texas.
By 1937, Dalhart County has the largest and most exemplary soil conservation demonstration in the country, but the town experiences another serious black duster in 1938. Many farmers think they are being plagued when one more unexpected disaster occurs: 23,000 grasshoppers per acre destroy all of Dalhart’s new plantings after a brief, hopeful rain. The Dalhart farmers call the National Guard, and they burn, poison, and crush the insects with tractors. The vast number of grasshoppers was attributed to the dying off of birds and snakes in the area that usually kill the grasshoppers. After the grasshoppers are killed, the area is plagued with more dust storms.
Dalhart has no economy now except the money circulating from the government conservation core workers. Even “Uncle” Dick Coon is hurting. In an effort to boost the town's spirits, Coon hosts a free barbeque for the ex-XIT cowboys. He gives his treasured C-note to a strange cowboy who wanders into the town looking for work, and Coon dies penniless in a hotel in Houston.
Bam White and his family are forced to accept government food and clothes after the grasshoppers completely destroy his land. White suffers from severe stomach pains, but refuses to go to the doctor. He plays his fiddle until his hands bleed, hoping to feel better, but White dies undiagnosed and the government takes his shack, leaving his wife penniless.
John McCarty protests Alexandre Hogue's famous oil painting, Drought Survivors, featured in Life magazine. The painting's image of “two dead cows face-planted into a drift” becomes a national symbol of the devastation on the High Plains (283). McCarty thinks the painting is so humiliating that he sends a committee to try to buy the painting, and he plans to burn it at one of his Last Man's Club's meetings over drinks. Actions like these make it even more shocking to the citizens of town when one day they hear the latest news: John McCarty, the town's loudest cheerleader and morale booster, creator and founder of the Last Man's Club, is leaving Dalhart for a better job in Amarillo, Texas.
“Doc” Dawson quits managing Dick Coon's soup kitchen, and tries to work his land one last time, but finally gives up. He keeps a little doctor's office, but a strong wind blows the door open and it takes two people all day to shovel out the huge sand dune. Dawson dies in Dalhart of a brain hemorrhage with his Last Man's Club card in his wallet.
Egan shifts back to Don Hartwell's diary entries in Inavale, Nebraska. Hartwell’s writings in this chapter focus on the area's continual heat and drought. Egan also mentions a tree cut down in 1936, which reveals twenty droughts in the Nebraska area over the previous 748 years. Hartwell borrows seed from a friend on the condition that he'll pay it back with the crop or money, but the bank eventually forecloses on his home.
In this chapter, Egan implies there that the era is causing the breakdown of human relationships. Hartwell writes, “Practically no one comes here now [...] They have vanished like last year's crop of turnips (300).Hartwell writes of a friend that turned on him, “becoming cold, as impersonal as an election notice on a telegraph pole” (295). He also writes of the breakup of his twenty-five-year marriage, when his wife leaves him because she has found stable work in Denver. Both Hartwell's diary and the chapter end with a poem Hartwell wrote, which was found attached to the last page of his diary. He attributes the idea of the following poem to Eleanor Chafee, a woman from Edgewood, New Jersey [with no further information]:
We had a crystal moment
Snatched from the hands of time,
A golden, singing moment
Made for love and rhyme.
What if it shattered in our hands
As crystal moments must?
Better than earthen hours
Changing to lifeless dust. (302)
The book ends with President Roosevelt's visit to Amarillo, Texas. The president chooses to speak in this city because it is the center of his Dust Bowl recovery operation. A crowd of roughly 100,000 people (over double the population of the Amarillo) attend Roosevelt's speech. The people of the Southern Plains summon 2,500 musicians to play for the president, the “single largest marching band ever assembled on American soil” (303).Roosevelt stops his convertible car in the parade and salutes the seamstresses who sewed the 49-foot-long-by-29-foot-high American flag (the biggest flag known to the world at this time).Then something happens Southern Plains residents never dreamed of: it rains. The rain had started lightly, after FDR's train had arrived in Amarillo, but during the parade, it starts to downpour, bleeding the red, white and blue of the huge flag into purple water on the streets.“No one even brought an umbrella," Egan writes (306).
FDR smiles, saying he believes the rain is a good omen. He praises the farmers in his speech, and he receives thunderous cheers and applause. One response to FDR's speech is “Yes, sir, Mr. President–we're not all dead […] Damn straight. Tell it to the world!” (307).
According to Egan, “The High Plains never fully recovered from the Dust Bowl”(309). His final comments discuss the updates on the state of the land and cities, the progress of government projects, and the people discussed throughout the book.
The Comanche, the American Indian tribe that once dominated the High Plains, now live on a small reservation near Lawton, Oklahoma. One of the three newly-created national grasslands run by the United States Forest Service in the Dust Bowl is named the Comanche National Grassland.
“On the plains, the farm population has [now] shrunk by more than 80 percent,” Egan writes, and thus has left very few old-time farmers like Fred Folkers, who worked his land until his death in 1965. Folkers passed his land to his children, who live on the homestead in the Oklahoma panhandle (as of 2005). Bam White's son, Melt White, lives in Dalhart, on land adjoined to part of the old XIT ranch. Melt owns horses and considers himself a cowboy “by trade and inclination,” but he makes his living as a house painter and paper hanger (311). Hazel Lucas Shaw finally left Boisy City, Oklahoma, although she told her grandchildren she missed it. Ike Osteen, however, still lives not far from his family's old dugout. Osteen often sorts through a his “living museum” of his former life in his beloved Baca County, Colorado (312). Dalhart never recovered its population after the exodus of the 1930s, and Inavale, Nebraska, the home of Don Hartwell, is now a ghost town.
Egan concludes his work with the success and failures of FDRs New Deal policies that were created to assist the people in the Dust Bowl. Most of FDR's shelterbelt of trees have disappeared (and often ripped down by farmers planting grain). The subsidies that FDR created to help individual family farms are still in place, but Egan explains how the subsidies have now become a “payoff to corporate farms growing crops that are already in oversupply, pushing small operators out of business” and thus reducing the number of small family-owned farms (310). Although some dusters returned briefly in the 1950s, Egan claims the dusters known to High Plains residents in the 1930s, which scattered over eight million tons of airborne topsoil, have never returned. An extensive study conducted by Hansen and Libecap, in 2004, concludes the reason the former dusters never returned was due to Operation Dustbowl, and the soil conservation districts Hugh Bennett had put in place.
As Egan presents information about dying towns in these chapters, Hartwell's entries also continually reference death. The first journal entry in Chapter 22, “Cornhusker II,” opens with “Hundreds have died” (274). In two entries (August 9 and July 10) Hartwell refers to a “killing sun” (300). In three journal entries of Cornhusker III alone, Hartwell describes the winds and even a light breeze as deadly. In his July 24th entry, Hartwell writes, “Today is just common hell, death and destruction” (297). On July 10th, he has a personal reflection of death: “You don't have to die to go to hell (300). Hartwell's desire to live is also slipping away. Egan describes the diarist as trying to act and think like a farmer, yet “his motions were faint and halfhearted” (296). When Hartwell receives repeated notices that he is behind on his mortgage, Hartwell doesn't follow up on job leads because “he seemed paralyzed to move” (293).
In these final chapters, Americans are beginning to believe that the soil is not just a commodity, and the land should be preserved. Farmers and ranchers finally agree to “strict conservation” advocated by Hugh Bennett (281). Egan writes, “After so many years of destruction, of hearing how they had killed the land, people wanted to be part of the restoration” (280). Egan shows the government's attitude changing, too. The government, which once believed land was just there for the taking, now has a new soil conservation agency. Egan shows how even FDR has changed his point of view: “He was also starting to believe that the Dust Bowl could have been prevented. He had taken to heart some of the conclusions of the Great Plains committee [...] What happened on this hard ground was not a weather disaster at all; it was a human failure” (307).
Although the government may not believe the land is just a commodity anymore, there are some people that believe natural resources are still there just for the taking. Egan showcases the lingering presence of this philosophy through final comments by Melt White, Bam White's son. White tells the story of some new boomers who have just arrived in Dalhart. The new boomers are refusing to go along with Hugh Bennett's plan to restore the soil. Instead, the group wants money, so they can quickly take up the un-renewable water resource of the Ogallala Aquifer, which, like the buffalo grass, if overused, will take hundreds of years to fully restore. Melt reacts to the new boomers’ plans: “They would grow wheat and corn and sorghum [...] using all the water they wanted, you just wait and see. They talked as if it [the Ogallala Aquifer] were the dawn of the wheat boom, twenty years earlier. Melt thought they had not learned a thing from the last decade” (305).
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By Timothy Egan