Twilight of Democracy: The Seductive Lure of Authoritarianism

Here, Applebaum argues against the idea that the 2008 economic recession or Europe’s migrant crisis caused by the 2016 Syrian civil war could be driving the rise of anti-democratic movements today. Specifically, she points out that large numbers of immigrants do not historically always cause anti-democratic movements to emerge. Also, xenophobic movements have targeted groups that successfully integrated, like the Nazi assault on German Jews (107-08). While Applebaum acknowledges that economic inequality has become a major issue, it “does not explain why […] everybody got very angry” (108).

Instead, Applebaum traces the recent emergence of anti-democratic movements to changes in communication and technology:

Alongside the revival of nostalgia, the disappointment with meritocracy, and the appeal of conspiracy theories, a part of the answer may lie in the contentious, cantankerous nature of modern discourse itself: the ways in which we now read about, think about, her, and understand politics (109).

The rise of the internet and social media heightened disagreements and the awareness of diversity. Also, Applebaum argues it has led to the end of any kind of national consensus: “In many advanced democracies there is now no common debate, let alone a common narrative” (113).

These changes are threatening to certain people who possess what Karen Stenner terms the “authoritarian predisposition,” referring to a tendency in some individuals to prefer unity and agreement (106). Such people would likely spread the current “hyper-partisanship,” which is hostile to institutions that claim to be politically neutral. They would also be attracted to those who promise order. Rapid changes in technology have also made people impatient for change as well as fearful of the social changes technology might bring (117). Finally, social media and new digital technology provide “a new set of tools and tactics that another generation of clercs can use to reach people who want simple language, powerful symbols, clear identities” (117).

As an example, Applebaum discusses Vox, a nationalist, right-wing party in Spain. When in 2017 the eastern Spanish region of Catalonia threatened to secede, Vox stoked outrage against Catalonian independence and gained national fame. It used social media and “found ways of reaching groups of voters who were disgruntled by other aspects of modern life that the mainstream parties weren’t addressing” (123). Vox and its advocates adopted the “methods of the American alt-right” and showed support for the Trump presidential administration in the United States (128).

Likewise, Spanish supporters of Vox like Rafael Bardaji have shown hostility to separatist movements, anti-Islamic views, and apathy toward NATO. Applebaum argues this is just one example of how similar national movements that are socially conservative, hostile to Muslim immigration, and opposed to international institutions like NATO are forming alliances (132-33). Applebaum illustrates how a Spanish data analytics company, Alto Data Analytics, showed how social media conversations were isolated, polarized conversations among three groups: the far left, Catalan secessionists, and Vox (133-34). Further, Vox’s message was spread through the use of bots, memes, and websites that were created and perpetuated by international actors, often drawing on the same templates and messages.