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Sapiens were not stronger than Neanderthals or other animals. However, they possessed the skill of large-scale cooperation. Like today, humans cooperated with strangers. For example, most modern humans do not harvest their own bananas. Someone far away produces them; others ship them to our supermarkets, and employees sell them to us. We may not know any of these people, but they collectively help us get food. Most of humanity’s “big achievements,” like the moon landing, “were the result of cooperation between hundreds of thousands of people” (39). Other animals, like chimpanzees, do not cooperate in large numbers or with strangers. Ancient Homo sapiens were the only humans at the time who were capable of cooperating in large groups and with strangers: “So even though a single Sapiens wasn’t smarter than a single Neanderthal, Sapiens became much better at inventing tools and hunting animals. And if things ever came to a fight, 500 Sapiens could easily defeat 50 Neanderthals” (43).
Social insects, like ants, are the only other animal that cooperates in big numbers. Yet they never change the way they cooperate. Ants are always divided into the same five groups that play the same roles, like foragers or warriors, in their colonies. Humans, alternatively, regularly change: “We invent new games, we design new clothes, we create new jobs, and we have political revolutions” (45). For example, several centuries ago, monarchs governed most of the globe, while today, presidents and legislative bodies mostly govern the world’s nations.
Sapiens’ “superpower” is creativity and ingenuity: “We’re the only animals that can invent and believe in legends, fairy tales, and myths” (46). Scientists are not sure how humans acquired this skill; changes in DNA or brain structure may have played a role. Humanity’s storytelling ability allows us to collectively cooperate. For example, humans developed the concept of the modern corporation (like McDonald’s) to foster business development. Corporations do not exist in nature; they’re human creations that exist because enough people cooperate in creating them. Likewise, religious beliefs are the result of humans using their storytelling skills to explain the world. Religions exist when enough humans cooperate and believe in them. Humans also invented money; enough people believe that it has value to make it a currency for the exchange of goods and services.
Humans change swiftly. Kings ruled France by divine right, for instance, for centuries: “[A]s long as French people believed this story, they all obeyed their king” (65). Men fought in wars and sacrificed their lives in the name of the king because they believed this story. They also believed that only men could rule France: “And because people believed the story, they wouldn’t let girls become rulers. In fact, they wouldn’t let them do all sorts of things: girls couldn’t be ship captains or judges, or even go to school” (68). The French, however, eventually doubted this story’s validity. They cooperated to depose the monarchy during the French Revolution and replaced it with a new story. Today, France is democratic. This type of adaptation sets Sapiens apart from other humans and animals and explains how our ancestors came to dominate the globe.
In this chapter, Harari identifies The Power of Storytelling and Human Ingenuity as the “superpower” that contributed to Sapiens’ ability to achieve great things. The creativity allowed humans to became “unstoppable.” This creativity, however, hinges on The Impact of Cooperation on Historical Developments. Humans cooperated not only to accomplish tasks like effectively hunting large animals, but this cooperation also extended to the development and popularization of stories in which our ancestors collectively believed. We also uphold stories today that facilitate mass cooperation because they provide many people with common beliefs and identities.
Throughout his book, and particularly in this chapter, Harari draws on accessible and everyday examples to assist his readers’ understanding. Harari uses the example of the McDonald’s corporation, with which his young audience is undoubtedly familiar, to illustrate The Power of Storytelling and Human Ingenuity and The Impact of Cooperation on Historical Developments. This secular contemporary example provides a foundation for understanding historical storytelling and the introduction of a more controversial subject: the development of belief systems, including religions. Harari shows that social and political institutions are human creations that are not static. We change our stories constantly, and thus our institutions change, too. This contention challenges popular conceptions that religions are unchanging.
Harari argues that institutions, like the McDonald’s corporation, are not innate. They exist only because we say they do. Humans invented the concept of a corporation to protect business interests. This concept has succeeded because enough people collectively believe in this “story.” Harari argues here that storytelling allows key aspects of societies to function and is humanity’s “superpower,” but his point around “fictions” is also more complex and ambivalent. At this point, the book introduces one of its central and most controversial ideas: that religion is a fiction that helps humans navigate the world but is also a tool for control and exploitation. Harari here refers to the medieval tradition in France in which the clergy anointed kings with oil from a glass vial known as the “Holy Ampoule” during their coronations in the cathedral at Reims: “The story of the sky oil helped convince the French that their king was sent by the great god above the clouds. This is why whenever the king ordered people to give him food, they all gave him lots of food” (67). His example is chosen to show how myths and symbols can be used to negative effect and is one of many that are highly critical of traditional religion. Comparing Harari’s treatment of his examples in terms and tone shows that his book is considerably more critical of religion as storytelling than of other potentially exploitative constructs, such as capitalism. In this, Unstoppable Us is placed firmly inside the norms of secular scientific discourse.
Harari also argues that we can change stories quickly when enough people cooperate. One story replaces another: “Today, France no longer has a king. The people elect whomever they like to be president of France […] If after a few years people stop liking the president, they elect somebody else” (71). He also explains to his readers about historical patriarchal systems and how these have been altered over time in many societies. Harari here shows how the adaptation of storytelling can lead to advances such as democracy and equality. This is an important stage in his book’s overall argument, leading to his final message of hope and agency.
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By Yuval Noah Harari